Polling, Survey Data
| Tracking Polls 2004-2008 |
Some R Stuff
| intro_r.r |
| clint_trump_poll.csv |
| ei_example.r |
Replication Data
Collingwood, Lajevardi, and Oskooii (Forthcoming)
| ban_replication.rdata |
| replication.r |
Collingwood and Gonzalez O'Brien (SSQ, 2019)
| ssq_appendix.pdf |
Wave 1 - Wave 2
| w1_w2_eg.r |
Census Race/Ethnicity Data
This file contains Census data by zipcode, for percent Latino 2014 American Community Survey, and also percent change 2014-2000.
| Hispanic_zipcode |
This file contains 2016 county presidential election results with appended data
| county_data.csv |
Cross-Racial Mobilization Florida Archival Data
A constituent writes to Claude Pepper indicating his support. This letter is representative of a typical letter to Pepper from Black constituents.
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The media report that Blacks are organizing a registration drive.
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Progressive Voters' League was founded and organized by African-Americans to increase Black incorporation and political participation.
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Pepper is seen shaking hands with an African-American woman. Many White constituents were subsequently irate.
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The "Red Record" of Senator Claude Pepper
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A white constituent warns Pepper about his stances on the African-American question.
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The memo is the beginning of a mutli-county analysis conducted by a Smathers surrogate.
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Pepper's campaign assesses the degree of black registration by county.
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Black leaders inquire as to whether Pepper will aide them in their black registration efforts.
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George L-P Weaver wrote a strategy memo targeting Blacks in four counties: Dade, Volusia, Duval, and Hillsborough.
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Pepper supports the Black registration plan, and seeks to quietly put an African-American on his staff to aide the registration effort.
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Pepper's campaign covertly met with Black leaders to sketch out a Black mobilization drive on behalf of Pepper.
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In an earlier campaign, Pepper had previously established his bona fide white supremacy credentials.
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Pepper ostensibly playing both sides of the fence.
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George Smathers attacks Pepper on the Fair Employment Practices Commission (FEPC) via radio
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A radio script of George Smathers. Typical racial attack.
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Smathers uses the term "southern traditions" to appeal to voters.
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A campaign brochure attacking Pepper on supporting the FEPC.
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Duval County (Jacksonville) vote. The margins indicate the type of voter dominant in each precinct. Black precincts, here labeled ``colored,'' overwhelmingly favor Pepper.
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Similar to Duval County, Pepper trounced Smathers in the Black neighborhoods in Miami-Dade County.
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Smathers' campaign solicited county-by-county advise on racial tactics. One advisor said gives candid/course advice in using race as a weapon.
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Farris Bryant campaigned for governor in 1960 as a segregationist. Courtesy of University of Florida: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/UF00083554/00004/1x
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Newspaper article in St. Petersburg Times indicating Black self-organization/mobilization. April 7, 1956.
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Governor LeRoy Collins was one of the few Southern governors to emphasize moderation. Despite this, he still supported segregation.
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Cross-Racial Mobilization Texas Archival Data
Senator Lloyd Bentsen states his stance on the Voting Rights Act as well as the Voting Rights Act Amendment of 1975, which stated that ballots had to be printed in languages other than English where the population spoke other languages.
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Bill Clements' Illegal Alien Fact Sheet; Clements, a Republican, supported a guest-worker program, a common position even among Republicans in Texas up through the 1990s.
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Governor Dolph Brisoce supporting policy to aide migrant workers.
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An example of a candidate's policy booklet, in this case Lloyd Bentsen's take on Hispanic Texans.
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Governor Bill Clements makes a trip to South Texas to an area known as the Valley. The Valley is between 85 - 90% Latino.
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Spanish-language brochure from Ralph Yarborough who ran for governor and lost several times in the 1950s, later becoming a U.S. Senator. (persistence!)
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A minority-targeted brochure from Ann Richards' 1990 gubernatorial campaign.
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A memo from the "Amigas for Mark White" gubernatorial campaign, indicating the presence of a "Latinos for [candidate]" campaign.
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A Viva Connally bumper sticker for John Connally, the three term governor in the 1960s, who mimicked the CRM appeals of Lyndon B. Johnson and John F. Kennedy.
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A picture of John F. Kennedy's speech in Houston where Viva Kennedy clubs were established during the 1960 presidential campaign.
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Mark White's (gubernatorial candidate and governor in the 1980s) campaign schedule, which calls for meetings with Mexican-American Democrats and a Black church in Houston.
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Ann Richards used her appointments of Hispanics and Blacks to positions within her Treasury Department CRM tools during her gubernatorial campaigns.
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Republican Bill Clements maintained both Hispanic and Black campaign operatives.
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Senator John Tower's Mexican-American efforts headed by Humberto Aguirre during a re-election campaign. At the same time, Tower stressed his opposition to busing.
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Mark White's pollster discusses the influential role of the Hispanic and Black vote.
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Lloyd Bentsen's campaign targets Black and Hispanic neighborhoods.
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Republican gubernatorial candidate Clayton Williams speaks Spanish at some political rallies.
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Hidalgo County Mexican-American precincts, 1972 Gubernatorial General Election. La Raza Unida Party candidate Ramsey clearly takes votes from the Democrats.
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Hidalgo County Mexican-American precincts, 1972 U.S. Senate race. GOP candidate John Tower -- who engages in more CRM than any other candidate -- clearly outperforms his gubernatorial counterpart.
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Under the auspices of Allan Shivers, Dwight Eisenhower targeted specific geographic localities for Spanish-language radio advertisements.
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A visual depiction of Eisenhower Spanish-language ad-buy targeting.
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Texas Democrats for Eisenhower memo discusses the Black vote.
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Allan Shivers requests information on backers of his opponent, Ralph Yarborough. Several NAACP members are indicated.
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Campaign hires consultant to mobilize Latino vote.
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Media approaches to mobilizing the Latino vote.
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Governor Connally pushed a clientistic approach with his Black constituency.
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Black precinct data indicate strong support for Lyndon Johnson.
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Ralph Yarborough takes a 'moderate' position on the issue of segregation.
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Yarborough's campaign attempts to pivot on segregation. Despite his moderate stance compared to his opponent, Allan Shivers, Yarborough lost.
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Issue-Positioning and Cross-Racial Mobilization in Arkansas
Orval Faubus campaign position on segregation in 1954 gubernatorial election. This is treated as a moderate position.
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Faubus campaign strategy memo considers appeal to Black vote by meeting with Black leaders once a month.
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Faubus campaign pays a small fee to a Black preacher, ostensibly to help organize the African-American vote.
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Faubus communicating with Black voters during 1958 gubernatorial campaign. Reaching out for the Black vote even after the Little Rock school desegregation crisis.
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Faubus campaign highlights his newly-found segregation credentials during the 1958 election.
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In 1958, Faubus appeals to the Black vote. Supporting the idea that policy stances on race/segregation and direct mobilization of Black voters arise from different political calculations.
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The policy dependent variable is campaign position on segregation, with hard-right on integration versus a more moderate response. In 1958, the lines were drawn: Faubus said no school integration at all, his opponents said they were willing to work with the Federal government/local integration of schools if that is what locals wanted. Faubus won decisively.
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Faubus campaign hit on Joe Hardin during 1960 Democratic gubernatorial primary, painting Hardin as a moderate.
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By 1962, massive resistance had died down and the Black vote became arguably more important. Here, Faubus appeals to the Black vote by comparing his record to Sid McMath's when McMath was governor.
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The Commissioner of Public Welfare writes a memo to Faubus indicating how he can use various statistics to appeal to the Black vote, but not too openly.
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Campaigning during the 1940s-1960s was highly localized, as candidates relied upon informants in each county to assess the vote, largely based on educated guesses. Here, Faubus surrogates appraise the Black vote in several counties, indicating that they seem to favor Sid McMath, former governor and a Faubus opponent.
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Attack from Faubus-affiliated group on Winthrop Rockefeller during the 1964 general election.
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Faubus 1964 campaign brochure targeted towards African-Americans.
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An example of Black self-organization/pressure.
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Faubus ran against Dale Bumpers in the 1970 Democratic gubernatorial primary. Here, a Bumpers advisor discusses the possibility of appealing to the Black vote as a means to winning the election.
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NAACP sponsors a rally for political candidates, including Dale Bumpers.
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During the general election of 1970, Bumpers faced Republican Winthrop Rockefeller, who had won in 1966 on a pro-Civil Rights record. Bumpers' pollster here frets over the Black vote.
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Obtaining precinct level data tied to demographics is nearly impossible; however, here we see that the "colored" precincts appear to overwhelmingly back Rockefeller. This, during a time when Blacks voted overwhelmingly Democratic at the national level.
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Bumpers' campaign infrastructure includes interest groups -- one being Blacks. This is an indication of CRM.
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A memo produced by Dale Bumpers' 1974 Senatorial campaign noting that William Fulbright supported the all white primary.
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David Pryor campaigns against Orval Faubus in 1974. Pryor's pollster stresses the importance of GOTV among the Black electorate.
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Cross-Racial Mobilization Tennessee Archival Data
Boss Ed Crump had a strong relationship with Black reverend T.O. Fuller. Here, Fuller suggests Crump appoint several Blacks as sanitary inspectors.
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Crump organization using political pull to push Black Republicans off the Colored Board of the Memphis Park Commission.
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H.B. King, prominent African-American Memphian writes Crump to inform him that they support Roosevelt and the Democratic ticket.
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Crump works with Black reverend, T.O. Fuller, to organize the Black vote under the guise of "friends."
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More "friends" references; almost comical.
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Fuller works with Crump to design circulars to distribute to the Black community urging folks to register to vote.
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Scathing open letter to E.H. Crump from Philip A. Randolph, president of Sleeping Car Porters.
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Supporters of Estes Kefauver attempt to muddy the racial waters by accusing Reece of supporting the FEPC
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In the general election, Carroll Reece supporters attack Kefauver on states' rights issues.
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Cross-Racial (De)Mobilization in Alabama
Opposition research by the Lister Hill for U.S. Senate campaign on Jim Simpson. Clearly, Hill is trying to paint Simpson as soft on the Black question.
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Montgomery Progressive Democratic Association -- a Black political arm of the Democratic Party -- asks Senator Sparkman to help them help him (quid pro quo).
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Letter to the Editor (Birmingham Post Herald) expressing sentiments about segregation. This is a fairly typical response for a moderate-conservative citizen: "just leave us alone and let us segregate if we want."
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Angry constituent letter just after Brown V. Board was handed down. This response is quite typical of the hostile conservative. In it, the writer justifies segregation on "deeply Religious Convictions" [sic], and that Blacks prefer segregation.
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Letter outlining Senator Sparkman's stand on segregation. While Sparkman supported segregation, he was not a Dixiecrat in 1951.
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A radio spot from Governor James "Big Jim" Folsom, where he pledges to "all the people of Alabama, both white and black, that he is going to work for better education opportunities."
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Folsom ran for governor again in 1962, but did not make the runoff. He shifted further right on the race issue, producing a radio spot highlighting his support for segregation. However, Wallace's extreme support for segregation was much further to the right.
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At the 1944 Democratic National Convention, Folsom supported famously liberal Henry Wallace for Vice-President. Opponents later used this as a racial attack on Folsom.
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During the 1946 gubernatorial campaign, Folsom calls for end of poll tax. Claims opponent Handy Ellis will use Folsom's stance for political gain.
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Cross-Racial (De)Mobilization in South Carolina
During the 1950 U.S. Senate contest, incumbent Olin Johnston attempts to inoculate himself against Dixiecrat Strom Thurmond on the issue of segregation.
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Another Johnston attack on Thurmond, painting him as a relevant liberal on racial matters.
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South Carolina blacks challenging county registration practices.
White hostility counter-mobilization campaign
White opposition to 1966 Civil Rights Act, calling for non-discrimination in Housing.
Donald Russell takes racially conservative policy stance in 1962 campaign.
Donald Russell speech on school segregation, 1958 campaign.
Cross-Racial Mobilization/Racial Issues in Georgia
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